Israel Update for August 2005



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Sharon repeated this goal in a formal statement delivered to his cabinet four days later, adding that he would particularly work to strengthen the large Jerusalem suburb of Ma'ale Adumim, located due east of the historic Mount of Olives, along with the growing town of Ariel and surrounding communities situated northeast of Tel Aviv in the central hills of Samaria. He also mentioned the Gush Etzion group of communities located south of Bethlehem. Responding to the PM's pledge, Palestinian leaders repeated earlier statements that the expanding communities, and all others like them, will eventually be "liberated" of all "illegal Jewish occupation."

The vow to protect disputed Jewish settlements in Judea and Samaria did not stop the second phase of the controversial withdrawal plan from being swiftly implemented on Monday, August 22. Over 11,000 security personnel were shifted over the weekend to northern Samaria in order to uproot residents and activists from two religious communities located there. Many feared that the worst violence of the entire operation would occur in one of them, Sanur. It holds a special place in the hearts of observant Jews, marking the spot where tradition says Jacob's son Joseph was sold into slavery by his jealous brothers in antiquity. The other holdout was the nearby religious community of Homesh.

Two other northern Samaria settlements, Ganim and Kadim, had been largely abandoned by the time the security forces arrived to carry out their government-mandated mission, having been mainly populated by Russian immigrants and other secular Israelis who were not willing to struggle to stay in their disputed homes. Instead of evacuating residents, army bulldozers went right into action to tear down structures in the two previously abandoned communities. All 25 evacuated communities are due to be razed in the coming weeks.

Well over 1,000 religious Jews, many of them young protestors, had streamed into Sanur in recent months to reinforce local residents. A sturdy old Ottoman-era building was used as the main buttress of resistance, fortified by barbed wire and other defenses. Many of the protestors wore orange Stars of David in a deliberate-if highly controversial-attempt to visibly link the Israeli government operation with the hideous Nazi regime of World War II. The action was denounced by several prominent Holocaust survivors.

In the end, the activists were carted away in a similar fashion to the Kafar Darom evacuation-kicking, screaming and crying, but mostly nonviolently. Widespread press reports that resistors would use stun grenades and possibly pipe bombs against fellow Israeli security personnel proved false. Indeed, anti-disengagement political leaders charged that an Israeli media campaign in recent months to "paint the settlers as violent Jewish jihadists," as one of them put it, (long the international norm), was at least partially deflated by the largely peaceful, if entirely painful, forced evacuations. However, some noted that the operation, like that in Kafar Darom, was portentous enough to warn world leaders that any further internationally-demanded uprootings in Judea and Samaria would come at an extremely high cost.

Still, the "last stand" at Sanur was one of great grief to many religious Jews who fervently believe that their modern return to the hills of Samaria is a direct fulfillment of several biblical prophecies. "Frankly, the Gaza Strip has little religious significance for us, but that is certainly not the case for this area," said one local rabbi as he prepared to escort a convoy of suddenly homeless residents out of Sanur.

NETANYAHU CALLS IT QUITS

Just one week before the long-planned evacuations were slated to get rolling, Ariel Sharon was obliged by earlier cabinet decisions to present his final disengagement plan for government endorsement. As in earlier ballots, several ministers voted against the plan, including Finance Minister Binyamin Netanyahu. In reality, he did not take part in the vote, but stunned his cabinet colleagues by handing a letter of resignation to Sharon during the government meeting, which he requested be counted as a "no" vote.

In his emotional letter, the former premier recounted his longstanding opposition to Sharon's withdrawal plan. With national elections set to take place in the coming year, many analysts saw it as Netanyahu's campaign platform declaration in preparation for his attempt to replace the portly PM as Israeli government leader.

Netanyahu's letter began by noting that, "From the moment you presented your disengagement plan to me, I told you I was against a unilateral withdrawal in which Israel would receive nothing in return. Such a withdrawal, I argued, would only strengthen the forces of terror." He went on to spell out several security proposals that he presented to Sharon at the time, including completing the contested separation barrier around Samaria and Judea before any pullouts took place, and retaining control of the Philadelphi Corridor in the southern Gaza Strip that abuts Egypt. "Unfortunately, the security fence has not been completed, the Philadelphi Corridor will be handed over to the Palestinians, and worst of all, we are permitting the Palestinians to open a seaport that will enable them to import weapons with abandon," charged Netanyahu.

Then the Likud stalwart, who is leading Sharon in most internal party opinion polls, went for the jugular. "I have always thought that a withdrawal from Gaza was possible within the context of a peace agreement or in return for a tangible benefit. But what is Israel getting in return for its decision to uproot families, destroy their homes and disinter their loved ones? In return, we are getting a new base for Islamic terror. Netanyahu went on to predict difficult days ahead as a result of Sharon's withdrawal plan: "It is becoming crystal clear that the unilateral disengagement is bringing no benefit to Israel. On the contrary, it is endangering our security, dividing the nation, and justifying the untenable demand that Israel return to the indefensible borders of 1967."

GOING BACK TO THE FUTURE

Binyamin Netanyahu's terse resignation letter made clear that its main target audience was not the aging Premier, but Likud members who will elect the next party leader in the coming months: "A center-right government that expressed the will of the nation following the last elections was replaced with a government that automatically implements policies that are contrary to the principles of the Likud and the mandate we received from the public. For many months, I implored you to hold a referendum that would have preserved unity in the party and in the nation. Unfortunately, you opposed a general referendum and at the same time broke your promise to accept the results of a referendum within the Likud."

Netanyahu ended his fiery letter by pointing out that the Israeli economy had improved substantially during his watch as Finance Minister, urging that his free-market policies-strongly opposed by the socialist Labor party-be continued. Reacting to an immediate stock market slump when news of his departure was first broadcast, Sharon indeed pledged to continue implementing those policies, at least for the time being.