Mal Fletcher considers the future of the EU and Europe.



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I've had the great privilege of working all over Europe for the past 25 years and have lived in two regions of Europe for 22 of those years. I've met thousands of Europeans, from all points of the regional compass. I believe that the vast majority of those people would happily think of themselves as Europeans.

They are rightly proud of their shared heritage - though well aware of the major blemishes on Europe's often bloody history. They appreciate the impact the European region collectively has in international culture, innovation, education, science, economics and politics.

However, in my experience, the EU is not seen by Europeans as totally synonymous with Europe itself. Many Europeans are grateful for the opportunities the Union and its predecessor the EEC have afforded in terms of trade, travel, cultural dialogue, relatively free movement and, above all, peace.

However, the EU is often viewed on the continent, in all but Europe's more hubristic moments, as something of a necessary evil.

Its myriad rules are viewed as things to be endured for the sake of harmony; the arrogance of some of its behaviour to be waved away because working together is far better than fighting each other. Today, though, patience with the EU is running thin in parts of Europe that have previously given it the largest support.

Much of this current feeling is linked to the handling of the Euro crisis and Europe's perceived collective failure to respond adequately and quickly to the mass migration problem.

Some of the discontent, however, is tied to more philosophical issues such as the gradual but increasingly obvious federalisation of the EU, accompanied by perceived reductions in the political and economic sovereignty of members states.

The largely unelected people at the top of the EU push on with this pet federal project with an often breathtaking arrogance and petulance.

Their assumption seems to be that they, as part of a consecrated elite - the new prelates of secular Europe - have cornered the market on wisdom.

They listen only to themselves and to others who agree with them. This may partly be attributed to human nature, but leaders at this level are expected to rise above their lower angels.

The same might be said of much of the top political class within the EU's member states. Indeed, the UK's Brexit vote has been interpreted here as partly a ballot against elitism in national politics, on both sides of the ideological divide.

I wrote last week about the new brand of leadership the UK needs if it is to flourish going forward. How the UK finds its way out of its present political morass is anyone's guess, but I have no doubt that it eventually will. Britain has too long a history of stable democracy to wind up with long-term instability.

The mainly English and Welsh regions which voted for Brexit have struggled to make their voices heard on national and European issues because they are a long way from the Westminster circle.

With or without their own national referenda, the best possible outcome of the Brexit vote for other EU members may be a radical rethink on the continent's future and the possible emergence of a new type of pan-European union.